Who is Michael Ignatieff? The Shaping of a Political Identity and the Opportunity for Greens
Who is Michael Ignatieff?
That's a question on the minds of many Canadians. There isn't really anything definitive about Canadian perceptions of Ignatieff, certainly not like the associated feelings towards other leaders. People associate strength, confidence and leadership with Stephen Harper, while they associated the environment, lack of leadership and weakness in Stephane Dion. The same people spent their time and resources to make sure those two had those sets of associations.
Ignatieff is doing his part to help Canadians define their sentiments of him, not to mention dispel any lingering Dion-era feelings voters may have. He's everywhere – with a three-page article in this weekend's Globe and Mail, on the radio and in various magazines who are all searching to ask, what must boil down to: “Who is this man who may well be our next Prime Minister?”
American and Brits may actually be more familiar with him than Canadians as somewhat of a intellectual celebrity. He's worked as a professor at prestigious universities – Cambridge, Oxford and Harvard. He's been the director of the Carr Centre for Human Rights Policy at Harvard and a senior fellow at the Munk Centre for International Studies based at the University of Toronto. He's written over a dozen books, both fiction and non-fiction, on human rights, nation building, conflict and international relations. Obama has even read his work. A number of them have won awards. He's worked as a documentarian for the BBC and contributed to the New York Times and the Globe and Mail. In 2002 he was on Maclean's list of the '50 Most Influential Canadians Shaping Society'. His friends are among the most powerful in the Obama administration. His father worked with Lester B. Pearson and his grandfather was the education minister under Russia's last Tsar, Nicholas II. His uncle was George Grant, the Canadian political philosopher who wrote the tremendously influential 'Lament for a Nation'.

I have always admired Ignatieff and his work. Despite disagreeing with many of his conclusions, I have always respected his willingness to tackle the most difficult challenges and issues facing humanity, whether it was human rights abuses, the use of torture (which he does not endorse), or the war in Iraq. In a world where so many intellectuals and activists use blanket statements to ratchet blanket support, an intellect with the sense and confidence to tackle the most complex contradictions and most profound paradoxes head-on deserves respect.
And that just scratches the surface of a man whose life seems a string of accolades. Yet it says nothing – nothing – about the politician he has been and now is. That is both the result of what politics does to people as well as the basic nature of the individual within the realm politics. Confused? Replace the word “politics” with “power” in the last sentence and you'll know what I mean.
Despite everything that Michael Ignatieff is a product of, Canadians are unfamiliar with him. And they should be, because politically, it isn't entirely clear. The man who stood for principle and boldness in academics has realized he simply cannot do the same in politics and win.
Case in point: the carbon tax. While forever more the carbon tax will be carried by Stephane Dion as its long pall-bearer, it was Ignatieff who campaigned on the carbon tax.
He has made his leadership transition quickly. Main policy planks that Dion stood for have been dismantled faster than the collapse of the Liberal-NDP coalition. Ignatieff's “Liberal Party Renewal” has been the “Dion Liberal Demise”, and it has all been in the name of political expediency.
But it appears that no one is pointing this out. In fact, other than the Conservatives, it seems no one is trying to shape the nation's perception of Ignatieff, leaving him with a free ride to define them in his interviews with CBC or exposés in the Globe. This is something I don't understand, because it's an opportunity for the other parties, including the Greens.
To show its political depth and maturity, the GPC can expand its criticism. At a time when Ignatieff’s image is being crafted in Canadian minds, the GPC should take the chance to shape it through tough criticism and stressing how the Greens are different. That could act to attract a broad-based membership, not just tired with the Conservatives, but tired of all the other, mainstream, no-change parties.
Ignatieff has ripped into the Greens when he could. He quashed any idea of the Liberals having another deal with the Greens. Where did he do it? In Halifax. When did he do it? While the Green Party was holding its Convention in the same province, just short drive away. Ouch.
The most critical message is simple for the Greens because it was given to them on a silver platter: the environment is not a priority for Ignatieff, and it will be sold out for political gain whenever the opportunity arises.
When the opportunity arises to shape perception and contribute to the dialogue that Canadians are already having about who Ignatieff is, the Green Party has to take advantage and it could pay big dividends to do just that.
Originally posted at www.kerstenskolumn.wordpress.com
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When I was a Liberal I was
When I was a Liberal I was wary, although not necessarily hostile, to Iggy at the start. I didn't support him in either the 2006 or 2008 leadership races, but considered him a viable second choice option... right up until he pulled his late-2008 coup maneuver with caucus that denied the Liberal grassroots the right to vote on leadership. That and everything he's done since then are what drove me from the party.
You're right, he's working hard to define himself right now. In fact the Conservatives have been trying somewhat to define him. But their primary chosen angle of attack - Iggy's time spent outside Canada - is utterly ham-fisted and out of touch with what matters to Canadians so it's falling flat and failing to resonate with voters. So this is the opportunity for the Green Party to do the defining. And the target we should be focusing on is his disposable approach to principle.
The analogy that has come to my mind a number of times is that of the nuclear scientists who worked on the Manhatten Project. Though they more or less knew, these scientists, for the most part, didn't really care what the end product of their research was going to be. The government gave them lots of scientific toys to play with and they were totally wrapped up in their theories and experiments. Every day they would bang together lumps of radioactive materials just to see what would happen. As the story goes, right up to the last minute before the first atom bomb test they were taking bets on whether it would ignite the atmosphere and destroy the world. This is Ignatieff the academic. Over the years he would bang together radioactive ideas like torture to see what came of it. He didn't really believe in the ideas any more than the Manhatten scientists believed in uranium. It was just a thing to study and experiment with. So Iggy bangs ideas together, see what happens, then tosses them aside and moves on to new ones. Now that he's a politician, he bangs together new ideas to see what gets him the most bang with the voter. If one ideas doesn't produce votes, he discards it and moves on to the next. But he doesn't believe in anything. He has no real principles.
And that is how we have to define him.
And you're also right - Iggy and the Liberal War Room Boys will show the Green Party no mercy come the next election.
How's this for openers
How's this for openers, Mark, something I posted here in '07 seeing him coming:
"[...]concerning Ignatieff as imperial apologist, pick up another recent book, Chalmers Johnson's Nemesis: The Last Days of the American Republic (also 2006, Metropolitan Books), where he's mocked with quotes like the following (p.74):
"Michael Neumann, a professor of philosophy at Trent University in Ontario, compares Ignatieff's epistles to the Americans to "a sprig of cilantro on the nouveau-imperialist bucket of KFC, [...] a treat for liberal white folks the world over."")
If even a scholar of such eminence in the field of theoretical human rights discourse can be taken to task for his more practical prescriptions, all those making use of rights talk would do well to tread carefully. "
[from http://www.greenparty.ca/en/node/3522 ]
something else I wrote among Greens:
"You maybe noted my predictive posts regarding the Harper & then predictably incoming Obama admins. on the yahoo group. It's obvious Obama's backers prefer Ignatieff as their Cdn. front person, but can make do with a chastened Harper (I think Ig. -- to me, "Ick" -- was featured in the NYTimes recently, which should tell you something)."
And considering his lineage, considering the Geo. Grant connexion, it makes someone Jewish somewhat uncomfortable; see Exiles from nowhere : the Jews and the Canadian elite by Alan Mendelson ('08) for some rather interesting depictions of an often dominant streak of anti-Jewish attitudes in the Cdn. elite, going back a long way indeed.
Several years ago when I picked up on Ig's probable intentions to seek high office in Canada, I checked out one of his books, & thumbing through I quickly put it down when I encountered something haughty & stupid he said re Israel.
Critics of the R2P business notice his name prominent among its developers.
Almost makes one kind of hope for another (chastened) Harper minority...(ouch)
This kind of criticsm might not be what you're looking for, Mark, but it sure orients this Green away from Ignatieff, any respect on other grounds notwithstanding. Too intent on ingratiating himself to powers that be, as long as those powers are not "green"-leaning in any fundamental way (a prospect still out of sight), he comes across as a fancy political panderer.
Balancing out our criticism
You hit the nail on the head when you say “The most critical message is simple for the Greens because it was given to them on a silver platter: the environment is not a priority for Ignatieff, and it will be sold out for political gain whenever the opportunity arises.”
This gift is even better considering that the Cons can’t take advantage of it. It’s probably all we can do and need to do to shape Iggy’s image given our limited resources. The other benefit of course is that we need more criticism of the Libs and their leader to balance out our criticism of the Cons and their leader.
Ard Van Leeuwen (Dufferin-Caledon, ON)
The views I express on this blog are purely my own and should not be construed to represent the official position of the Green Party of Canada.
Ard Van Leeuwen (Dufferin-Caledon, ON)
The views I express on this blog are purely my own and should not be construed to represent the official position of the Green Party of Canada.
Is Criticism The Way To Advance Green Views?
It seems to me that if putting Michael Ignatieff down is the way to promote the Green alternative then we have simply thrown in with the same "old same old approach" we detest in the other political parties. I have to say that many of the press releases coming out of the GPC national office have that tone - damning the other guy's policies.
I believe that Green stands for co-operative political action to achieve the goals that are best for the country and the world. I believe that the Green political approach ought always to be positive. Set our view alongside those of the other parties and give the voters the freedom to make their own choice rather than trying to run down other political leaders and policies.
Too much negativity. Green need to be positive and upbeat about what is good, and offer useful and wise policies in accord with the Green priorities and values.
The views I express on this blog are purely my own and should not be construed to represent the official position of the Green Party of Canada.
While the Green Party should
While the Green Party should strive to stay above the kind of negative vicious attack-partisanship that has characterized Canadian politics for the past few years, going to total high road and saying nothing about your opponents isn't an effective strategy. While the first message is to tell voter why they should vote for you, you still have to follow that up by telling them why they shouldn't vote for the other guy. Especially if your reasons for saying they shouldn't vote for the other guy are valid.
So for example the first message line for the Green Party might be (and I think should be) that we have a plan and a vision to create green jobs that will be integral to the post-recession global economy. I argue that message *must* be immediately followed by pointing out that the other parties have no plan or vision.
In the next election it will be entirely necessary, and entirely fair, for the Green Party to point out the fact that Ignatieff has endorsed the Alberta oil sands. I'm not talking about shallow Conservative-type "Michael Ignatieff is not a leader!" messaging, but he must be held to account before the electorate for what he has said and done.
And as contradictory or hypocritical as it may seem, the Green Party should use the nasty attack behaviour of the other parties as a message theme and, yes, attack them for it.
It's a very fine and difficult line to walk - the line between legitimate criticism of your opponent and ad-hominem partisan hack-job. But if the Green Party wants to be a serious contender, it must try to walk that line.
Dancing around the negative
It is very important to show how we are different from the other parties and to avoid going negative ala the CPC.
A simple way is
'We know, as you do, that the oil sands are an environmental disaster that taxpayers will end up paying to clean up. We would put a tax on the production of that oil (ie: carbon tax) to cover the eventual clean up costs so taxpayers like yourself aren't subsidizing it. The Liberals & Conservatives are against this, prefering to keep the subsidy in place. Thus if you want a voice in Ottawa protecting your pocketbook the Green Party is the one you should consider voting for.'
We state what we would do, how it benefits the person we are talking to directly, and how the big two are not in favour of it without getting into name calling with a final message reminding them why they should vote for us (benefit to them).
Not sure what the NDP's stand is on the oil sands as their stances environmentally are shifting constantly (protect jobs at cost of the environment seems to be their view, without figuring out we can create more jobs by protecting the environment in the long run). However, if we focus more on the CPC/Liberal stances vs ours it will be more relevant as many more vote for them than for the NDP.
John Northey
Wellington-Halton Hills
John Northey
Wellington-Halton Hills
NDP opposes tar sands development
The NDP has called in the past for a moratorium on tar sands development.
http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20080907/election2008_layton_080908/20080908?s_name=election2008
In some ways their policy is similar to ours. Ironically the current recession has accomplished much of this goal anyways!
The NDP opposes a carbon tax, mostly on ideological grounds, saying that it will adversely effect low income earners and workers. This ignores the "revenue neutral" aspect of a carbon tax which says there should be a corresponding decrease in income tax. For example the projections from our last election with a $50 a ton tax on carbon would have allowed the untaxable income amount to rise from $10,000 to $25,000.
Matthew Piggott
Kitchener Centre
"People of good faith, figuring out where we are, not falling victim, making choices, based on our values, with the best available information."
These views are my own and do not represent the official position of the Green Party of Canada.
"People of good faith, figuring out where we are, not falling victim, making choices, based on our values, with the best available information." These views are my own and do not represent the official position of the Green Party of Canada.