Why bad mouth incremental electoral reform?

Having been highly involved for years in two British Columbia campaigns on electoral reform, and having watched the campaign in Ontario as well as the recent referendum in Britain, I have to say I am very disappointed in the Green's latest press release against the Liberals.  (pan choice of alternative vote)

The defenders of the status quo, and the least democratic system (single member plurality), feast on the fact that supporters of electoral reform are so insular about the particular change that they wish that they are willing to attack each other.  This was what happened in BC, when the Green's in 2005 got so into MMP (which has its own set of flaws, as does any system) that they refused to support STV.  Similar things happened in Ontario and Britain, when the status quo persevered some claimed "there are better alternatives".

Yes, I understand why "proportionality" seems to be such a powerful pull for small parties.  If you are going to have a system in which people really disregard their local candidate and a party leader is going to whip the votes, then you may as well try to get the seats to match the party preference.  

However, from a democratic perspective and voter's perspective, (rather than a party fairness) is party vote share really so important that we will disregard other beneficial changes.

Firstly: are parties and proportionality that big of a deal?  

Yeah, the Green Party platform is pretty nice, but if the only hope under PR system is to have some sort of coalition, then really the individual party platforms will be tossed out the window come governancy in return for some sort of collaborative arrangement.  Yes, it is good to get different views and ideas in parliament, but few voters really read the platform, most voters don't agree with all of the perspectives anyways, and vote share on its own doesn't tell us much.  Exact party proportionality is really a mythical concept, and doesn't really give us any substantial benefits.  It is more about perceived fairness, than substantial representation.  

The only distinct substantial benefits that PR offers are some sort of ability for minority representation, (which can be delivered in more than one way.) The two other benefits are: a) preventing false majorities, where one party can  achieve unilateral power without actually winning a majority of support in a majority of ridings.   (Views that may be detested by a majority of people).  b) and perhaps preventing majorities period (which some may argue is actually a negative factor)

Secondly: what is the true characteristics of good government?

Government is never going to be able truly represent everything.  The whole purpose of government is to make trade offs.  To offer more services, government will have to raise taxes.  To protect environments, it may have cut down on short term economic growth.  One person's road is another person's eyesore. Government is about compromise, about spending the time to weigh options and making decisions that will have broad support.  It may also be the role of individual members both to listen to community input as well as sell their community on the solution or compromise.

The best government is the arguably the one that is able to represent the broadest range of concerns, and is probably less about any sort of party affiliation than about the individuals who compose it and the motivation of parties of voter mobilization. 

PR systems on their own work by electing individuals who appeal to a narrow range of voters, and then forcing them to compromise or negotiate.  Different systems may compose more constituency representatives and then some transient representatives who get their position through a list.

Once they get elected, we are then trusting people who are fairly ideologically motivated to try and negotiate and find a compromise.  It may be challenging sometimes, although the saving grace is that most people in the world are reasonable and as such with the exemption of a few issues, most people can find enough agreement to make things work, even if not ideally.  

The non-party perspective for electoral reform.

On the reverse side, there is the non-party perspective for electoral reform which focusses less on parties and ideological representation, and more on ensuring that the best people get elected, and that artificial barriers (such as vote splitting and strategic voting) do not shut out new ideas that have the potential of winning support.  The STV system proposed in BC was great, as it focussed on representation rather than parties to deliver proportionate results.  However, it was complex to explain (even if this should not be a consideration in an electoral systen) and it requires multimember ridings, or different ridings size, that are not popular in sparce areas that are huge already. It is, though, the only system that can reach out to minority candidates in a geographical area. (rather than appointing them on a list, or forcing minorities to form their own party like the Maori party in New Zealand)

The alternative vote is far more democratic than many "fair voters" claim.

Parties seem to have no problem adopting converts.  A former liberal or NDP will switch parties and get elected under a different label, and even the Greens love to adopt a person who switches party affiliations.  Party platforms and policies change from election to election, even while the average voter never reads the platforms anyways and tends to give up and vote on their perception of leader most of the times anyways.  Parties are far more similar on most issues that we like to claim, and the average candidate or supporter could run or support any party and no one would blink an eye. Most differences are artificial, highlighted to win votes rather than their general importances.  (59% of conservative supporters, in a recent poll supported legalization of marijuana. I hear Green supporters complaining about gas prices.)

So, would a non-proportionate system deliver just as democratic of a government?  There is no clamour for electoral reform in Australia which uses AV. (Although, they have a PR senate)  While on one level, AV and the current system seem close, the difference is far greater than on face value.  

Firstly, no candidate can win without being able to have the support of their community.  No one wins when 69% of voters really don't like them.  This is the biggest problem with FPTP, when bad ideas get in without popular support.  Rather, to win, a party and candidate must be able to convince the majority of voters that the policies they support, or plan is better than the next persons.  The candidates with broad support tend to get elected, but only if they get an outright majority or come ahead in the preference of voters who support less popular candidates.

Secondly, small parties are free to pitch their ideas to the electorate, without cannibalizing the support of a similar party or candidate who may differ on all the ideas but that one.  If you are left wing, and find the current left wing candidate is lousy, you don't have to risk the riding going right to challenge them.  The best candidates, regardless of party, prevail. And frankly, if the Greens cannot put forward a candidate or platform that a majority of voters can support, is it democratic to negotiate a policy that voters would not otherwise choose?

Third, preferential system provide a unique centrifugal effect that forces parties and candidates to reach beyond their traditional support base.   If a small party of candidate can put forward a compelling policy, then it makes sense for larger parties or candidates to support them.  To win a majority of support, candidates have to find ways to reach out to minorities.   Candidates/representative who refuse to change, or act dynamically are the losers in this system.  Keep this in mind, versus the traditional PR system.  Under a PR system, there is no incentive (in fact a deterent effect) from many parties broadening beyond their base, to change their policies, or reach out. Even more so, than under pluralities.  By gaining supporters, you risk loosing supporters.  Under preferential systems, another parties supporter can be essential, so not only does it encourage less cross candidate attacks, it also encourages candidates and parties to really listen to their constituents.

Fourthly, there are more than one route to getting some sort of PR in place.  One is by adding a corrective mechanism to AV.  The second it also by pushing PR on the senate, which most Canadians would favour replacing with anything.

The point though, it not to force one system on the Greens.  There are advantages to each.  The more important thing is to realize that rather than opposing changes that others support, and therefore leaving us in the forever limbo in which no change happens because of difference, realize there are benefits to each and that the last thing we should be doing it is panning incremental changes or anchoring our self without a next best alternative.

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Parties and votes

Thanks for the clarity, Dan.  I've just finished a weekend of writing against Ontario's private members Bill 18, and by extention Canada's Private members Bill C-306.  Both bills would force by-elections mid-term if members leave their parties, but in the federal bill only if they join another party.  Either way they undermine the individual MPP/ MPs responsibility to act in the best interests of their constituents and their conscience and they give Too much power to the party.  I'm not a party loyalist- I see partys as functional for research, formulating sound policy, and publicity but I strongly object to 'Whips' and believe we're better served if the houses of representatives disregard their partys and do what they believe is right.  So we hire the best person for the job.  Parties don't like this mentality, but, I believe, voters do.  So I'm not a fan of PR, and even the alternative vote can get you a Stephane Dion instead of an Elizabeth May.  May the problem is too much focus on party and too little on the individual

Thoughts on Ontario Bill 18 and Federal Bill C-306

Paula, can you share with us here your writing about Ontario Bill 18 and Federal Bill C-306?  I'm sure many of us would love to read it.

"Sudbury" Steve May

Preferential ballots are inconsequential

Quite simply, the reason the Green Party has "badmouthed" the tepid Liberal "reform" proposal is because it is a non-reform, one that fails to achieve ANY of the key goals of electoral reform. 

And to show this isn't a partisan stance, allow me to quote a recent newsletter from Fair Vote Canada:

"The good news: At their biennial policy convention in Ottawa in January, the Liberal Party of Canada decided that the current voting system has to go. A group of party members, working under the banner Liberals for Fair Voting, urged the party to support the principle of proportional representation.

The bad news: The Liberals decided to endorse a preferential ballot in our current, single-member ridings. This is not a proportional system. It will not give voters more viable political choices. It will not elect more women. It will not give us a parliament that better reflects the diversity of our society. It will not give us a more consensual type of government or a more civilized style of politics. Ironically, it will probably not even elect more Liberals."

The supposed benefits you list of AV don't wash. It's not going to broaden the pitch that parties or candidates make. It's not going to get more variety of voices into the mix. The most it can hope to do is somewhat reduce so-called "strategic voting". Yet the result would be, in most cases, a House that has pretty much the same MPs as it does now. You could still see a million Canadians vote Green right across the country and elect no MPs, and you could still see a regional party like the Bloc get far more seats than their proportion of the electorate deserves, while the NDP with more votes gets 1/3 as many seats (see 2004 results).

Now, I am a fan of BC-STV, and perhaps your like for that has coloured your view. But STV has a huge difference from AV, because under STV you use multi-seat districts. That means the effect of the vote transfer becomes proportional. Under AV, this whole benefit is lost. AV doesn't even guarantee that the winner has more than 50% support! Now, if the Liberals had proposed AV with multi-seat districts (that is, something like BC-STV), then you'd see both the Green Party and FVC supporting them.

There is one place where AV works and makes sense - an office that, by nature, must be single seat. This is why it's already used in all major parties to choose their leader. We could thus expand AV to be used to elect mayors. In that way, you would not have a single, troglodytic right-wing candidate with 40% support beat 3 slightly different progressive candidates who together have 60% of the support.

But when it comes to choosing a legislature, the original ideal of one average person who best represents each riding is out of date, and never coming back. Government has become far too large and complex, and too intertwined into all aspects of our society, for that to work. Instead, like-minded people work together in large interest groups called parties, which include not just candidates and elected members, but volunteers, donors, employees, supporters, and voting blocks. This is not something that can ever be done away with, nor is it something we need to end. But we need to acknowlege it - accept that the majority of voters care more about party platform/values and party leader than about local candidate. And we need to give them a government that recognizes those cares - and elects more women, more people of minorities, and represents more points of view. Only some form of PR can do this, and AV certainly will not.

You can dream all you like of a best government that is "probably less about any sort of party affiliation than about the individuals who compose it" but AV will in no way provide that, instead just maintaining how our partisan House currently operates, to wit: total top-down partisan domination to the detriment of individual MP concerns.

The point of PR is not to do away with majority governments, but to end single-party false majority governments and replace them with multi-party majorities that truly represent a majority of the electorate. In a nation as broad and diverse as Canada, it is impossible for any single party to properly represent the voters, while under FPTP or AV, you will only get false one-party majorities or fragile single-party minorities. The only way to ensure a shift to multi-party cooperation and consensus is through some form of proportionality.

Erich Jacoby-Hawkins, Barrie ON - although I'm on Cabinet (Nat'l Rev. and Ecol. Fiscal Reform), views here are my own and may not reflect official GPC positions. Please visit www.ErichtheGreen.ca